The New York Daily News and New York Post have had what the New York Times calls withering criticism for using stills from Vester Flanagan’s video of Wednesday's killings of two Virginia journalists, with critics charging that the newspapers sensationalized the killing. The Daily News was roundly criticized for its front page. Under the headline “Executed on Live TV,” the paper published three stills from the video, which showed in chilling succession Flanagan pointing his gun at Alison Parker, a local news reporter, and opening fire. He also killed cameraman, Adam Ward; both worked for WDBJ in Roanoke. The Daily News defended its decision to use the images, saying they were “a definitive part of the story, however disturbing and horrific.”
The Boston Globe took a different approach, posting a still picture on its front page from the footage Ward was recording when he was gunned down. The New York Times "decided against running the pictures because they were deeply disturbing images that showed the act of killing,” said Matthew Purdy, a deputy executive editor. At ABC’s “World News Tonight,” anchor George Stephanopoulos said, “Something we wrestled with today: whether to grant the gunman his last wish by playing his video. We will not.” CBS played 23 seconds of Flanagan’s video in its evening newscast, stopping it right before he began shooting. David Rhodes, CBS News president, defended the decision. “Using the material we did, we helped people understand the degree of premeditation behind the attack,” he said. “If you don’t show some of what we showed, you can leave people with the impression that somebody just snapped.”
The killing of two Virginia journalists by a former colleague illustrates a nightmare for any employer: what to do with a volatile, constantly aggrieved worker who has had angry, even frightening confrontations with fellow workers yet has committed no crime, says the New York Times. With convictions or adjuciations of mental illness, Vester Flanagan was able to buy his Glock 19 handgun legally after passing a background check. Flanagan's ex-boss, Jeff Marks, said it might be possible to screen job applicants better, but he noted the difficulty of getting an honest reference from a former employer. Violent events like this week's cannot be predicted, but there are things a company can do to reduce the risk of them occurring, say labor experts, psychologists and consultants in workplace safety. Suggestions include forming teams to monitor and provide help to workers who seem to be boiling over with bitterness and, if firing is necessary, doing so in a way to preserve the worker’s dignity as much as possible, said psychologist J. Reid Meloy.
Employers face conflicting legal obligations and huge uncertainties. They have a duty to provide a safe workplace, and can be sued for failing to prevent predictable threats. They must tread carefully with employees with mental health problems. The federal disabilities act prohibits discrimination against those with mental illness. For every angry employee who might pose a serious threat, there are far more who will not act and whose rights must be respected. There is no sure screening method. “It’s nuance,” said Linda Doyle, a employment law expert with McDermott Will & Emery in Chicago. “Not every one of these is a Mr. Flanagan,” she said. “The goal is to help the person be well and change the behavior, but the other goal is to protect your workplace.” Many companies refer troubled workers to employee assistance programs. Therapists are bound by confidentiality unless the patient makes a clear, immediate threat to harm himself or someone else. Nearly two million Americans each year report workplace violence.
As police departments reevaluate their encounters with citizens on the streets in a post-Ferguson era, the New York Police Department will begin giving “receipts” to those stopped, questioned, or frisked but then allowed to go on about their day, reports the Christian Science Monitor. On Sept. 21, beat cops will start giving any person they stop, but do not end up arresting, an information card that will explain why he or she was stopped in the first place. The card, now being dubbed a “receipt,” will include the officer’s name and badge number, as well as information on how to make a complaint, if necessary. Just a few years ago, New York’s famous mean streets included one of the nation's most aggressive police departments. Police flooded high-crime neighborhoods, stopping and frisking hundreds of thousands of people each year, a proactive policing tactic meant to nip crime before it started.
But nearly 9 of 10 of those stopped were never arrested or charged with a crime, and more than 85 percent of those stopped were black and Latino men. The new receipt program represents a dramatic turnabout for the department. Most experts believe its is the first of its kind, and its timing is significant. It could resonate beyond New York, if successful. “This is all over the literature now – police legitimacy, fairness in policing,” says Edward Connors of the Institute for Law and Justice in Williamsburg, Va. “There’s no solid science behind it yet, but from the psychology field, it’s been a theory that’s been tested and has shown a lot of promise: that if you treat people fairly and give them an explanation – maybe they’re not happy, like in the case of someone who gets a traffic ticket – but they understand and they might feel that some justice has been done.”
Successful police hostage negotiators must “experience the emotion of love at one point in their life, to know what it means to have been hurt in love at one point in their life, to know success and perhaps, most important, to know what it means to know failure, New York Police Lt. Jack Cambria, who retires today after 33 1/2 years, tells the Wall Street Journal. “The very good negotiators, I think, are the ones with the life stories,” he said. As the team’s commanding officer, Cambria, 60, has saved a detective held hostage, trained guards at Guantanamo Bay and even been a consultant on movies such as the 2009 remake of “The Taking of Pelham 123.” He has known failure. Just two weeks ago, Cambria oversaw a six-hour standoff between police and a man who had shot a New York City firefighter. It ended in what could have been a "suicide by cop" case.
Stuart Kirschner, a retired psychology professor at John Jay College of Criminal Justice and one of the creators of the hostage team’s training program, said Cambria’s negotiating style comes from a place of empathy. “The (training) sessions that we had are incredibly moving, because he taps into their own experience. It’s almost like group therapy.” Cambria says the first 15 to 45 minutes of a negotiation are the most crucial. “What we have to do as negotiators is manage that emotion level first, and by doing so, by bringing it down, rationality levels are coming up. So you can’t have high emotion and rationality at the same time,” he said.
A juvenile justice reform bill passed by New Jersey’s legislature and signed by Gov. Chris Christie this month will keep 14-year-olds out of criminal court, regardless of the crime. New Jersey is the first state to have no exceptions in the law surrounding waivers for defendants 14 and under, reports the Juvenile Justice Information Exchange. The bill also narrows the list of offenses that can lead to prosecution as an adult, keeps some prisoners in juvenile custody until age 21, ends solitary confinement as a punishment and restricts the duration when it is used as a safety measure.
New Jersey is one of 21 states that directs juvenile courts to focus on rehabilitation, using language from the Balanced and Restorative Justice movement. The movement focuses on three primary interests: public safety, accountability to victims and the community as well as developing skills in offenders so they can have productive and law-abiding lives. The bill takes effect seven months from signing. Some juvenile justice organizations are hoping New Jersey’s reforms will prompt other states to follow. Melissa Sickmund, the director of the National Center for Juvenile Justice cited New York, which treats 16- and 17-year-olds as adults no matter the offense. “What a huge difference between what side of the river you’re on," she said.
With Milwaukee experiencing a surge in homicides this year, Police Chief Edward Flynn called for more collaboration between local police and federal prosecutors. He said focused deterrence strategies used in Kansas City's No Violence Alliance and in High Point, N.C., produced results, says the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel. The strategy entails identifying prolific offenders and hosting call-ins where they are given community support and offered resources to turn their lives around. They are told, often as a group, they have the attention of law enforcement and will face serious consequences, often federal charges, if arrested again. The most famous example is Boston, which saw homicides plummet from 152 in 1990 to 31 in 1999.
What's missing in Milwaukee, Flynn said, is the regular involvement of the federal system. "The key element in the group violence reduction initiative, the High Point initiative, is the involvement of the United State's attorney's office because there are serious federal sanctions for a number of crimes that (in state court) are misdemeanors," Flynn said. "Now, you don't want to use it wantonly," he added. "It's got to be the right bad guys." Acting U.S. Attorney Gregory Haanstad said it's important to be selective with cases and choose those with a "clear federal interest at stake." He added, "I think a lot of times what federal judges are on guard against is handling a high volume of what they see as relatively simple, straightforward street crime cases that could be just as easily prosecuted in state court."
A federal judge in Texas ruled that the public generally has a right to see secret government requests for electronic surveillance in ordinary criminal cases. However, she said that a batch of such documents cannot be released now because the relevant cases are ongoing, denying a request by the Wall Street Journal. After a series of motions from Journal publisher Dow Jones & Co., U.S. District Judge Nelva Gonzales Ramos found that Dow Jones has a legal right to see government applications for surveillance, an idea the U.S. Justice Department had fought. But she agreed with DOJ that the requested documents shouldn’t be disclosed yet because the 14 applications, dating from 2010 to 2013, all relate to continuing cases.
The government made some of its arguments to the judge in private last year. The Justice Department argued in June that the public would have no right to any information about the applications, including basic descriptions, even if the cases were closed. Ramos rejected that argument. She also ordered the government to update her every six months on the status of the investigations and whether they remained open. “We’re pleased that the court agreed that the public has a broad right to access government surveillance requests, and we look forward to the court continuing to oversee this process,” a spokeswoman for Dow Jones said.
Heroin in the U.S. is now cheaper than cigarettes, the Washington Post reports. Ashley Kennedy, an addict currently in rehab, said she could buy a bag of heroin in Baltimore for about $5. A pack of cigarettes costs $7.75 in Maryland. In southwestern Pennsylvania, a single bag of heroin goes for about $8, said Rick Gluth, supervising detective on the Washington County drug task force. In Pennsylvania, the price of a pack of cigarettes ranges from about $6.25 to $6.85.
And in New York City, where heroin goes for about $10 a bag, according to a Drug Enforcement Administration official, a pack of cigarettes costs from $10.29 to $12.85. Asingle dose of heroin might be more accurately compared with the price of a single cigarette, in which case the legal substance is still much cheaper. Heroin pricing varies by region. It can cost more in Detroit than it does in New York, which is not what might be expected given the relative economies of those two cities. In the last few years, price has largely been determined by concerted action on the part of Mexican drug cartels, said DEA agent Joseph Moses. Most of the heroin on U.S. streets is from Mexico, Moses said, and despite the efforts of the DEA and other law enforcement agencies, there is plenty of it, which keeps the price down despite the seemingly insatiable demand.
Kids who have grown up behind bars are coming out as adults, often as ill-prepared for life beyond the razor wire as they were when they went in, reports the Dallas Morning News. No programs in Texas prisons are specifically geared to those about to be released after coming of age on the inside. They come out more likely to commit new offenses and have mental health issues. “The real question?” said Michele Deitch, who studies juvenile offenders at the University of Texas at Austin. “Is putting them in that cage with virtually no treatment or services going to change them in a way that’s for the better?”
Even the person once charged with overseeing Texas’ prisons worries. “We have been raising minors, raising children, in our prisonsystem, in our adult prison system,” said Christina Melton Crain. She oversaw the Texas Department of Criminal Justice’s board as an appointee of former Gov. Rick Perry. “These people are coming back to be your neighbors, to be your grocery sackers, to be washing your cars. ... They’ve been incarcerated since they were 14, and now they’re 40, so what are you going to do with something like that?” The Morning News tells the stories of Texas juveniles who spent their formative years in prison.
William Taylor, police superintendent of Lowell, Ma., is negotiating a 30-day trial of police body cameras, which would place a small camera on an officer’s jacket or near their head. Lowell would be the largest city in Massachusetts to approve the body camera pilot measure, Taylor tells the Boston Globe. The trial is sponsored by Arizona-based TASER International, which would provide the cameras at no cost to the city. Taylor said the company reached out to Lowell because it has a history of using progressive police strategies.
The trial could act as a case study for the whole state, he said. “We’re trying to experiment and develop information about the pros and cons of the camera and how they could be used for the Commonwealth,” Taylor said. “The most important consideration I have is that [cameras] strengthen trust in the community and act as betterment and not a barrier. We don’t want to diminish the trust the police has in the community.” National studies show evidence that body cameras have decreased both complaints against police and use-of-force incidents, Taylor said. “Black Lives Matter” activists, who have traveled across the country protesting alleged police brutality, released a list of policy solutions this week that called on every police department to purchase and implement body cameras.